In the s while Hong Kong cinema were better known in the world, the industry operated more like guerilla filmmaking than modern movie business.
Interestingly, parallel to the disintegration of the industry, there was the rise of the producers' position and the majority of production executives were women, a sign of progress in contrast to the previous studio era's absence of woman in production and placing the director as center of power.
These woman producers were often fondly addressed as "the housekeepers," the matriarch figure in charge of administration. The industry capitalized on women's traditional gender role as caretaker and modern role as executives. Hong Kong producers, men or women, working in an industry going through the double edges of colonialism, capitalism, and "Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction," adapted their roles to local socio-cultural context and industry organization structure and played an all-round and supportive role instead of replicating the commander-in-chief role of their Hollywood counterparts.
The case of Hong Kong producer shows the inadequacy of existing theories and methodologies to conceptualize industrial models and professional positions situated in different cultural contexts. Studies on Hollywood woman producers often define the gender issue as a woman's issue and overlook the economic reality of American corporate culture and studies on Hollywood studio system often frame the producer-function as an economic issue and overlook the socio-cultural factor in shaping the organization structure and the producer's role in such system.
To understand the role of Hong Kong producers, I would propose to theorize from within, contextualizing the system of Hong Kong cinema in the world market and situate the producer within the system of Hong Kong cinema.
The case Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction Hong Kong producers illustrates how the industry draws from traditional cultural practice to adapt to modern global environment in the rapidly growing East Asian region. In the s, while Hong Kong movies were better known in the world, Hong Kong cinema seemed to regress to a cottage industry comprised of independent productions known for its filmmakers' frantic work style. There was an absence of integrated studios or emphasis on clear division of labor; directors routinely started shooting without completed scripts and improvisation on the set was the norm.
It looked more like guerilla filmmaking than a modern movie business. In the previous era the integrated Shaw studio was regarded as a symbol of the modern film industry in Asia.
If women occupying an executive position is a sign of progress and a producers' cinema is a symbol of modern movie business, then Hong Kong cinema in the s was more advanced than the previous studio era which recruited no woman in production and had the directors, instead of the producers, as centers of power and creative control. Why in the s were production executives mostly women?
What was the role of producer in the system? In Hong Kong cinema woman producers were often fondly addressed as "the housekeepers," the matriarch figure in charge of administration. On the one hand, it exploited Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction traditional gender role as the multi-task caretaker. On the other hand, it capitalized on modern woman's leadership role as executives.
Woman producers experienced the intriguing power dynamic of an industry going through the double edges of colonialism, capitalism, and globalism. The history of Hong Kong film industry does not fit into a linear development model: Despite being located in a colony, Hong Kong cinema has survived for almost a century and thrived in the s with a system adapted to its particular habitat.
It is not a mechanical imitation of the Hollywood studio system model. The role of the producer is not a simple replica of their counterparts in Hollywood. Within Hong Kong cinema's specific political, economic and cultural parameters, producers modify and adapt their roles to the local socio-cultural context, industry organizational structure and across various team chemistries.
Like a housekeeper in a family, the producer played a significant, all-round, supportive role beyond a job specification could prescribe. At present, the few studies on Hollywood woman producers often define the gender issue as a woman's issue and overlook the economic reality of American corporate culture. Studies of the Hollywood studio system often frame the producer-function as an economic Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction and overlook the socio-cultural factor in shaping the organization structure and the producer's role in such system.
To understand the role of producer in Hong Kong cinema, I would propose to "theorize from within" i. The recruitment of women producers in the Hong Kong film industry is in congruence with the strategy of Overseas Chinese business practice and the Hong Kong style of management, i. In Hong Kong there is neither scholarly study nor much newspaper and magazine articles on the producer, not to "Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction" focusing on gender dimension of this profession. At present Hollywood is the most dominant film industry in the world and its operation is the most extensively studied in the academy.
It also experienced the rise of woman executives. InJess Cagle in her magazine article, "The women who run Hollywood" featuring Stacey Snider, Sherry Lansing, and Amy Pascal, states that "for the first time in history, women are now running half of the six major movie studios" Cagle However, despite such groundbreaking historical significance, there are still few literatures on Hollywood woman producers about their roles in the studio system; on how they break into the old boys' club, and on how their management style differs from their male counterparts or the impact of woman leadership on organizational structure of Hollywood.
Even with tremendous amounts of research in disciplines like gender, business management, and the Hollywood studio system, there are few that integrate theories from these disciplines and analyze the role of woman executives in Hollywood. Nevertheless, the few sources still serve as good references for studying Hong Kong producers and exploring how these issues may be conceptualized, framed, and reframed.
Early literature on Hollywood women filmmakers is often more like a political manifesto of gender equality than a pragmatic approach to economic realities. Ally Acker in Reel Women - Pioneers of the Cinema to the Present Acker argues that women had a strong presence in the beginning but gradually faded out in the mainstream and in history.
Despite her intention to redeem women's history, in the chapter on women producers Acker perceives the women producers and Hollywood as unchanging. In the biographical description, Acker provides more judgment than analysis, and repeats the stereotypical and binary types of powerful women. The movies Sherry Lansing produced are, "in large measure, those that support sex, violence, and sins against women" Acker Dawn Steel became one of the boys and should not "be held Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction as a model for women in the film business.
Sova in Women in Hollywood - From Vamp to Studio Head Sova also argues that women filmmakers had a strong start and could meet their male counterparts on equal ground, but in the s and s once formal structures were established to determine roles and to set standards, women were pushed out of the high-power jobs.
She describes the s as "the beginning of a restoration to power for women in the American film industry. Greater numbers of women assumed positions of power at all levels. The 'old-boy' networks …underwent a slow but steady metamorphosis into a growing 'old girl' network.
She does not elaborate on the relationship between gender and organizational structure. Acker and Sova's inventory approach informs us women's presence in the industry but does not help us Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction objective changes in the Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction or subjective experience of the women. Appealing to moral reasons for gender equality without attending to the specificity of women executives and Hollywood organizational culture leads to abstract generalization.
To be equal is often mistaken as to be the same. The goal of getting women to the position of power is also a common view of gender equality in some business management studies "Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction" women are encouraged to act and think more like men.
Sherry Lansing is quoted in many occasions for denying prejudice against women and insisted that talent is the only criteria in this creative industry. Stacey Snider who declined Cagle an interview is "like many other younger women working in Hollywood, …[who] resists being labeled a 'female executive' or drawing attention to her gender. The informal organization may transmit cultural messages about the "proper place" for women. Popular book writers or writers with high-rank industry experience are more perceptive and offer more practical advices.
Frankel acknowledges sex discrimination as a real part of a woman's employment experience, but warns women not to file complaints via formal channel or verbalize the concern openly because that may back fire. She also advises women not to change the system alone or play the gender card without exploring other alternatives. Even though she advises women to quit being a girl, she also strongly advises against woman acting like a man.
Gail Evans, an executive vice president of CNN, in Play Like A Man, Win Like A Woman Evansalso encouraging women to adapt to "malestream" but succeed on female terms, provides concrete description of the structure of American media industries, explores the unwritten rule in business and lists the usual traps women fall in such a structure.
She points out the importance for women to be industry-savvy i. Sometimes a woman fails not because she lacks good ideas, but "because she lost sight of the fact that a good idea isn't more powerful than the structure that must approve it. However, it is much easier said than done.
When a woman faces hostile cultures, she has to expend a tremendous amount of energy just to develop strategies for her own survival.
Lynda Obst, one of the most successful producers surviving Hollywood for two decades, in her autobiographical survival guide Hello, He Lied - And Other Truths from the Hollywood Trenches Obst illustrate the pragmatism of woman producers. Despite her humorous tone, one can still sense the gravity and the pressure woman executives face. Nevertheless, Obst manages to define success in her terms, "My goal has been to learn how to get movies made without losing sight of the reason I began.
I have had to learn to recognize the insidious nature of the beast without Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction one. With back stories of parents, spouses, friends and associates around the women executive, one can imagine how hard these women have fought when they cannot even verbalize sexism and there is no rosy female-bonding in this colony.
In fact, these women engage each other in cut-throat competitions while men rely on the existing buddy network as a safety net.
The characters in her book are women with strong characters and real histories. Seger also observes that for the first wave of women executives in Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction s the pressure to assimilate to the "malestream" was enormous.
But she is optimistic that the new wave of women executives in the s, even though mostly still in the middle-management, will gradually "trickle up" as the industry evolves. This generation of women executives re-envisions business by re-defining success.
While the traditional definition of power depends on competition with the result dividing winners and losers, for the younger generation women executives "power" is about getting the job done, about empowerment, and to be in a position of power is to be very clear about how one feels about things.
Seger then compares the competitive model usually associated with masculine qualities and the collaborative model usually associated with feminine qualities and suggests that the collaborative model "seems the most conducive
Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction women, and may be the most conducive to the film industry.
The collaborative model can be more efficient because it removes internal competition, removes the need for politicking, and promotes strategic and creative thinking. Seger goes on to states that the effectiveness of the collaborative model is gradually appreciated by the new generation of men working under female bosses.
Seger's collaborative model is echoed by producer and Professor Myrl A. Schreibman points out that the two most important concepts in independent production are "relationship" and "ego". This indicates the significance of collaboration in a flattened organization structure like independent production and producer, regardless of his or her gender, plays an important role in creating and maintaining an amicable work ambience. As the New Hollywood conglomerates focus more on investing in people who make films rather than making films in-house as in the classical era, the role of entrepreneurs become more important in the process.
Together with the outsourcing of financial planning, marketing and script consulting to small businesses, the structure of American film industry is a complex mix of pyramid and flat organizational structure. It will be interesting to see more studies on the relationship between the new complex industrial structure Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction Hollywood and the role of producers, as well as how American film business can better harness the female talents of this large segment of knowledge worker in the new knowledge-based economy.
Studies outside Hollywood and American corporate culture are most relevant to the study of the producer in the system of Hong Kong cinema in terms of organization structure and functions of women executives. Sally Helgesen and Carol R. Frenier, instead of urging women to assimilate to the "malestream," look for female advantages and call for changes in organization structures.
They reframe the gender issue as a business issue, instead of a woman's issue. They illustrate how it makes economic sense to have woman leaders.
Helgesen, in The Female Advantage - Women's Ways of Leadershipfinds that women are best at running organizations that foster creativity, cooperation, and intuitive decision-making power. Using a diary studies approach documenting the dynamic of the everyday practices of the woman entrepreneurs, she notices how her subjects' experience as women wives, mothers, friends, sisters, daughters contributes to their leadership style.
The women entrepreneurs "tended to structure their companies as networks or grids instead of hierarchies, which meant that information flowed along many circuits, rather than up and down in prescribed channel.
The women's concern with relationships necessitates the impulse to share information and sharing "was also facilitated by their view of themselves as being in the center of things rather than at the top; it's more natural to reach out than to reach down. As we shall see, the organization of the Hong Kong film industry of the s is closer to Helgesen's web structure, and woman producers, situated at the center of the web, played an important role for the efficiency of information flow, pulling cast and crew together and maintaining this tightly-knit filmmaking community.
Similarly, Carol Frenier, an entrepreneur and media producer, in Business and the Feminine Principle - the Untapped Resource Frenieralso proposes to the feminine side of our nature to transform our business environment. She explores feminine patterns of work and the feminine principle such as "Tsui hark wife sexual dysfunction" awareness, the quick of the moment, accepting the cycles of life and deep community.
Her notion of feminine leadership is one which collaborates with the masculine, appreciates the value of combining feminine and masculine ways of thinking.