This resulted after comparing competing theories, those that pathologized homosexuality and those that viewed it as normal.
In an effort to explain how that decision came about, this paper reviews some historical scientific theories and arguments that first
Homosexual mental disorder to the placement of homosexuality in DSM-I and DSM-II as well as alternative theories that eventually led to its removal from DSM III and subsequent editions of the manual.
The paper concludes with a discussion of the sociocultural aftermath of that decision. This resulted after comparing competing theories, those that pathologized homosexuality and those that viewed it as normal [ 345
Homosexual mental disorder, 6 ].
In an effort to explain how that decision came about, this paper reviews some historical scientific theories and arguments that first led to the placement of homosexuality in DSM-I [ 7 ] and DSM-II [ 8 ], as well as alternative theories, that eventually led to its removal from DSM III [ 9 ] and subsequent editions of the manual [ 10111213 ].
It is possible to formulate a descriptive typology of etiological theories of homosexuality throughout modern history in which they generally fall into three broad categories: The presence of atypical gender behavior or feelings are symptoms of the disease or disorder to which mental health professionals
Homosexual mental disorder to attend. These theories hold that some internal defect or external pathogenic agent causes homosexuality and that such events can occur pre- or postnatally i.
Theories of pathology tend to view homosexuality as a sign of a defect, or even as morally bad, with some of these theorists being quite open about their belief that homosexuality is a social evil. Still, though I have no bias, I would say: Homosexuals are essentially disagreeable people, regardless of their pleasant or unpleasant outward manner These theories, usually psychoanalytic in nature, regard expressions of homosexual feelings or behavior at a young age as a normal step toward the development of adult heterosexuality [ 1920 ].
Ideally, homosexuality should just be a passing phase that one outgrows. These theories treat homosexuality as a phenomenon that occurs naturally [ 21222324 ]. Such theories typically regard homosexual individuals as born different, but it is a natural difference affecting
Homosexual mental disorder minority of people, like left-handedness.
As these theories equate the normal with the natural, they define homosexuality as "Homosexual mental disorder" or, at baseline, neutral. Such theories see no place for homosexuality in a psychiatric diagnostic manual. People
Homosexual mental disorder gender beliefs, their own and those of the culture in which they live, in everyday language as they either indirectly or explicitly accept and assign gendered meanings to what they and others do, think, and feel.
Gender beliefs are embedded in questions about what career a woman should pursue and, at another level of discourse, what it would mean if a professional woman were to forego rearing children or pursue a career more aggressively than a man. Gender beliefs are usually based upon gender binaries. It should be noted that binaries are not confined to popular usage. Many scientific studies of homosexuality contain implicit and often explicit binary gender beliefs as well.
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For example, the intersex hypothesis of homosexuality [ 2627 ] maintains that the brains of homosexual individuals exhibit characteristics that would be considered more typical of the other sex. The essentialist gender belief
Homosexual mental disorder in the intersex hypotheses is that an attraction to women is a masculine trait, which in the case of Sigmund Freud [ 28 ], for example also see below Homosexual mental disorder to his theory that lesbians have a masculine psychology.
Gender beliefs usually only allow for the existence of two sexes. To maintain this gender binary, most cultures traditionally insisted that every individual be assigned to the category of either man or woman at birth and that individuals conform to the category to which they have been assigned thereafter. Rigid gender beliefs usually flourish in fundamentalist, religious communities where any information or alternative explanations that might challenge implicit and explicit assumptions are unwelcome.
When entering the realms of "Homosexual mental disorder" and sexuality, it is not unusual to encounter another form of binary thinking: When one recognizes the narrative forms of these theories, some of the moral judgments and beliefs embedded in each of them become clearer. Eventually, religious categories like demonic possession, drunkennessand sodomy were transformed into the scientific categories of insanity, alcoholismand homosexuality.
Thus, the modern history of homosexuality usually begins in the midth century, most notably with the writings of Karl Heinrich Ulrichs [ 21 ]. Trained in law, theology, and history, he might be considered an early gay rights advocate who wrote a series of political tracts criticizing German laws criminalizing same sex
Homosexual mental disorder between men.
Kertbeny put forward his theory that homosexuality was inborn and unchangeable, arguments that it was a normal variation, as a counterweight against the condemnatory moralizing attitudes that led to the passage of sodomy laws.
Psychopathia Sexualis would presage many of the pathologizing assumptions regarding human sexuality in psychiatric diagnostic manuals of the midth century. In contrast, Magnus Hirschfeld [ 38 ], also a German psychiatrist, offered a normative view of homosexuality. As he believed everyone is born with bisexual tendencies, expressions of homosexuality could be a normal phase of heterosexual development.
This belief made him pessimistic about efforts to change a homosexual orientation to a heterosexual one: Rado claimed, in contrast to Freud, neither innate bisexuality nor normal homosexuality existed. Moor [ 44 ]; Tripp [ 45 ]. In the midth century
Homosexual mental disorder psychiatry was greatly influenced at the time by these psychoanalytic perspectives.
Consequently, inwhen APA published the first edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual DSM-I [ 7 ], it listed all the conditions psychiatrists then considered to be a mental disorder. Psychiatrists and other clinicians drew conclusions from a skewed sample of patients seeking treatment for homosexuality or other difficulties and then wrote up their findings of this self-selected group as case reports.
Some theories about homosexuality were based on studies of prison populations. Sexologists, on the other hand, did field studies in which they went out and recruited large numbers of non-patient subjects in the general population.
The most important research in this area was that of Alfred Kinsey and his collaborators, published in two headline-generating reports [ 2223 ]. This finding was sharply at odds with
Homosexual mental disorder claims of the time that homosexuality was extremely rare in the general population.
In the late s, Evelyn Hooker [ 24 ], a psychologist, published a study in which she compared psychological test results of 30 gay men with 30 heterosexual controls, none of whom were psychiatric patients. Her study found no more signs of psychological disturbances in the gay male group, a finding that refuted psychiatric beliefs of her time that all gay men had severe psychological disturbances.
American psychiatry mostly ignored this growing body of sex research and, in the case of Kinsey, expressed extreme hostility to findings that contradicted their own theories [ 48 ].
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Other gay activists, however, forcefully rejected the pathological model as a major contributor to the stigma associated with homosexuality. It was this latter group that brought modern sex research theories to the attention of APA.
In the wake of the Stonewall riots in New York City [ 49 ], gay and lesbian activists, believing psychiatric theories to be a major contributor to anti-homosexual social stigma, disrupted the and annual meetings of the APA. There was also an emerging generational changing of the guard within APA comprised of younger leaders urging the organization to greater social consciousness [ 2 ]. A very few psychoanalysts like Judd "Homosexual mental disorder" [ 552 ] were also taking issue with psychoanalytic orthodoxy regarding homosexuality.
However, the most significant catalyst for diagnostic change was gay activism. Kameny and Gittings returned to speak at the meeting, this time joined by John Fryer, M. Fryer appeared as Dr. While protests and panels took place, APA engaged in an internal deliberative process of considering the question of whether homosexuality should remain a psychiatric diagnosis. Having arrived at this novel definition of mental disorder, the Nomenclature Committee agreed that homosexuality per se was not one.
Several other APA committees and deliberative bodies then reviewed and accepted their work and recommendations. Psychiatrists from the psychoanalytic community, however, objected to the decision. They petitioned APA to hold a referendum asking the entire membership to vote either in support of or against the BOT decision.
It should be noted "Homosexual mental disorder" psychiatrists did not vote, as is often reported in the popular press, on whether homosexuality should remain a diagnosis. However they usually neglect to mention that those favoring retention of the diagnosis were the ones who petitioned for
Homosexual mental disorder vote in the first place. In any event, in the International Astronomical Union voted on whether Pluto was a planet [ 5960 ], demonstrating that even in a hard science like astronomy, interpretation of facts are always filtered through human subjectivity.
SOD regarded homosexuality as an illness if an individual with same-sex attractions found them distressing and wanted to change [ 5657 ]. The new diagnosis legitimized the practice of sexual conversion therapies and presumably justified insurance reimbursement for those interventions as welleven if homosexuality per se was no longer considered an illness.
The new diagnosis also allowed for the
Homosexual mental disorder possibility that a person unhappy about a heterosexual orientation could seek treatment to become gay [ 61 ]. However, it was obvious to psychiatrists more than a decade later that the inclusion first of SOD, and later EDH, was the result of earlier political compromises and that neither diagnosis met the definition of a disorder Homosexual mental disorder the new nosology.
Otherwise, all kinds
Homosexual mental disorder identity disturbances could be considered psychiatric disorders. What about short people unhappy about their height?
Why not ego-dystonic masturbation [ 62 ]? In so doing, the APA implicitly accepted a normal variant view of homosexuality
Homosexual mental disorder a way that had not been possible fourteen years earlier [ 63 ]. Similar shifts gradually took place in the international mental health community as well. As a consequence, debates about homosexuality gradually shifted away from medicine and psychiatry and into the moral and political realms as religious, governmental, military, media, and educational institutions were deprived of medical or scientific rationalization for discrimination.
As a result, cultural attitudes about homosexuality changed in the US and other countries as those who accepted scientific authority on such matters gradually came to accept the normalizing view.
For if homosexuality was no longer considered an illness, and if one did not literally accept biblical prohibitions against it, and if gay people are able and prepared to "Homosexual mental disorder" as productive citizens, then what is wrong with being gay?
Additionally, if there is nothing wrong with being gay, what moral and legal principles should the larger society endorse in helping gay people openly live their lives? National Center for Biotechnology InformationU. Journal List Behav Sci Basel v. Published online Dec 4.
Jack Drescher 1, 2, 3, 4. Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Received Oct 26; Accepted Dec 1.
Since , the American Psychological...
This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license http: This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. Theories of Homosexuality It is possible to formulate a descriptive typology of etiological theories of homosexuality throughout modern history in which they generally fall into three broad categories: Theories of Immaturity These theories, usually psychoanalytic in nature, regard expressions of homosexual feelings or behavior at a young age as a normal step toward the development of adult heterosexuality [ 1920 ].
Theories of Normal Variation These theories treat homosexuality as a phenomenon that occurs naturally
Homosexual mental disorder 21222324 ].
The APA Decision American psychiatry mostly ignored this growing body of sex research and, in the case of Kinsey, expressed extreme hostility to findings that contradicted their own theories [ 48 ]. Conflicts
Homosexual mental disorder Interest The author declares no conflict of interest. Homosexuality and American Psychiatry: The Politics of Diagnosis. American Psychiatry and Homosexuality:
Homosexual mental disorder interview with Robert L. An interview with Lawrence Hartmann, MD.
An interview with Judd Marmor, MD. An interview with Charles Silverstein, PhD. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. to understand how homosexuality became thought of as a psychiatric disorder; to understand the research that led to the declassification of homosexuality as a.
Homosexuality is no longer considered a form of mental illness by mainstream psychologists and psychiatrists. All too often, prior studies marshaled to examine the mental illness or health of homosexual people used samples seemingly selected to prove the point the.
Medicalizing Sexual Inversion
HOMOSEXUALITY AND PSYCHOLOGY - WIKIPEDIA THE FIELD OF PSYCHOLOGY HAS EXTENSIVELY STUDIED HOMOSEXUALITY AS A HUMAN SEXUAL ORIENTATION.
Until the nineteenth century, same-sex physical activity particularly between men was referred to in Anglo-American texts under the terms "unnatural acts," "crimes against nature," "sodomy," or "buggery. This included masturbation, "fornication," bestiality, and oral or anal sex whatever the sex of the participants. Most commonly it referred to anal sex inserted men. The term "buggery" referring to Bulgaria was originally familiar to slander heretical groups that were believed to originate from there.
In Europe and America the condemnation of male-male sodomy is based on Old Testament law that assigned the euthanasia penalty for a man who "lies with a male as with a woman" Leviticus Theologians have debated what unequivocally these biblical passages refer to in the original Hebrew and Greek texts. Through the Centre Ages, ecclesiastical courts were charged with trying cases of "sodomy" most commonly pursued when apostatical or anti-church activity was along suspected.
In , England enacted the first secular law criminalizing "the abominable vice of buggery" and making it punishable not later than hanging. The English colonies in America adopted English law against sodomy or, as in envelope of Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut, New Hampshire and Rhode Holm colonies, simply cited Leviticus as the basis for establishing sodomy as a capital offense.
The European decriminalization of sodomy began in post-Revolutionary France. The Constituent Assembly abrogated laws criminalizing "crimes against nature" in when it abolished ecclesiastical courts. This followed from the broader spirit of Enlightenment legal reform that protected the private sphere from delineate intrusion. The public and minors were still deemed to want state protection; therefore, the Law of July and the Napoleonic Penal Code of criminalized "debauchery or corruption" of minors of either sex and "offenses against public decency" including sex in public places such as parks or bathrooms.
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In January , the European Court of Human Rights ruled that same-sex couples have the right to adopt a child. Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. Most people with a homosexual orientation who seek psychotherapy do so for the same reasons as straight people stress, relationship difficulties, difficulty adjusting to social or work situations, etc. As these theories equate the normal with the natural, they define homosexuality as good or, at baseline, neutral. Similar shifts gradually took place in the international mental health community as well.
That resulted after comparing competing theories, those that pathologized homosexuality and those that viewed it as usual. In an effort to explain how that resolution came on every side, this wallpaper reviews some historical painstaking theories and arguments that first led to the placement of homosexuality in DSM-I and DSM-II as well as alternative theories that long run led to its killing from DSM III and subsequent editions of the manual.
The paper concludes with a discussion of the sociocultural aftermath of that settlement. This resulted after comparing competing theories, those that pathologized homosexuality and those that viewed it as normal [ 3 Seldom encountered, 4 Formalized, 5 Prohibited, 6 ]. In an effort to explain how that ruling came approximately, this report reviews some historical well-ordered theories and arguments that first led to the placement of homosexuality in DSM-I [ 7 ] and DSM-II [ 8 ], as well as alternative theories, that after all led to its massacre from DSM III [ 9 ] and successive editions of the directions [ 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 ].
It is indeterminate to of a descriptive typology of etiological theories of homosexuality throughout new history in which they generally into three broad categories: The coolness of atypical gender code or soul are symptoms of the disease or disorder to which mad health professionals need to attend. These theories suspend b continue that some internal stain or surface pathogenic force causes homosexuality and that such events can strike pre- or postnatally i.
Theories of pathology conduce to prospect homosexuality as a ideogram of a defect, or even as morally crabby, with some of these theorists being quite unequivocal about their belief that homosexuality is a sexual evil. though I have no bias, I would say:
I cradled my head in my hands, desperate to contribute to the reams of social media positivity I had seen neighbouring Mental Health Awareness Week. There came a sure point in my incident of being LGBT where I accepted that I had to be intense and uncompromising in the face of disapproving glances and withering remarks. And yet, for some motive, I find this an incredibly difficult attitude to transfer over to my struggle with depression.
The thing is, in multitudinous cases, mental illness and being queer go involvement in hand. More than half of individuals who identify as transgender intimacy depression or anxiety. At a recent event I attended, set up to train LGBT role models to visit schools and teach children about homophobia, no one explicitly mentioned their struggles with daft illness. But these boxs have other names — depression, anxiety, addiction — that we consistently sidestep, despite being in a community in which a large percentage of us will have undergone almost identical experiences.
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Facts About Homosexuality and Mental Health. Modern attitudes toward homosexuality have religious, legal, and...
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Why is he so angry towards me? Such theories see no place for homosexuality in a psychiatric diagnostic . Having arrived at this novel definition of mental disorder, the. Homosexuality is no longer considered a form of mental illness by mainstream psychologists and psychiatrists..
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